Wednesday, July 23, 2014

The Price is Right: Is cost-effectiveness analysis the best way to evaluate surgical intervention?





A couple months ago, I had the opportunity to listen to a presentation from an NGO director. Towards the end of her presentation, she expressed her dismay for receiving a lower grading from the previous year on a non-profit score report. This was partly due to the increased attention on surgical care within the organization. According to evaluators, surgical care was not deemed as cost-effective as other interventions such as mental care, where you could treat many more patients with less resources and time. Naturally, I thought of the many problems associated with this assumption – the misconceptions about surgical intervention, and the ethics, limitations, and over-reliance on a cost-effective analysis.

Misconception #1: Surgical intervention only addresses rare problems, which are a small part of the Global Burden of Disease.
WHO has reported that more than 90% of deaths from injuries occur in low and middle income countries (1). Injuries kill more than 5 million people worldwide each year, with one third of injury-related mortalities among 15-44 year olds, the most economically productive population (1). Despite these figures, developing countries only receive 3.5% of surgical procedures conducted worldwide (1). Surgical conditions extend beyond injuries which include: malignancies, obstetrics complications, congential anomalies, cataracts and glaucoma, perinatal conditions, and trauma emergencies. The Global Burden of Disease 2010 study also notes an increase in non-communicable diseases, several which can be surgically treated. By implementing surgical interventions, we can further accelerate advancements in several of the MDGs and the post-2015 agenda.

Misconception #2: Surgical intervention is often considered too expensive, especially when compared to other public health measures such as vaccines. On the contrary, recent studies have shown that surgery is very cost-effective. To compare benefits between two interventions, analyses usually compare DALYs (Disability-Adjusted Life Year). This can often be thought of as one lost year of “healthy” life. Cost-effectiveness ratios (CER) are also used to determine the increase in costs for the benefits of an intervention/treatment.

Cost effectiveness of interventions:
Measles vaccine
$1-5/DALY averted
ARVs for HIV
$300-500/DALY averted
Surgery
$7-200/DALY averted
Figure 1: Taken from the CUGH presentation via the Disease Control Priorities Project (2)
Despite the greater cost-effectiveness of surgery, injury and road accidents are still 100x under-funded compared to HIV/AIDS (2).

Figure 2: Taken from Chao TE, et al (The Lancet Global Health, 2014). 
Three surgical procedures are comparable to the Expanded Program of Immunization and bednets for malaria prevention (red stars). Several procedures have median CERs that are similar to that of BCG vaccine (blue arrows). Caesarean deliveries and orthopaedic surgery had the highest median CERs from the listed surgical categories, but they still are much more cost-effective than treatment for chronic ischaemic heart disease and HIV treatment (7).

Misconception #3: Surgery is too difficult to implement because it requires more infrastructure - clean operating rooms, anaesthesia, electrical power, and laboratory services – and skilled workers.
Yes, it is true that surgical intervention requires more infrastructure. However, it also has greater potential to be sustainable over vertical programs. An increase of long-term infrastructure-related investments also strengthens horizontal health-care delivery. We also don’t have to build all new facilities. District hospitals can be surprisingly efficient and produce good results at lost cost (7).  Part of scaling up surgery requires a new approaches, in particular, partnerships. In the past, surgical intervention relied of volunteerism and short-term missions (7). Today, surgery should focus on building up research and training for long-term. By creating collaborations with universities and hospitals in developing countries, we can help teach and train students and physicians, while innovating low tech diagnostic and treatment methods. Creating opportunities "in-country" can also reduce the “brain-drain” problems many of these countries have. Furthermore, instead of creating a population of specialist surgical physicians, we can scale-up community health workers to perform simple surgical procedures such as obstetric care, which can help increase the population of skilled workers.

The limitations and ethics of a cost-effective analysis

Although recent positive results from cost-effectiveness analysis on surgery continue to debunk misconceptions, economical value should not solely determine the appropriateness of interventions. Like many other statistical models, cost-effectiveness is an inexact process with several inherent limitations. First, there are uncertain inputs into the equation, which calls for imputing data from one data source to another that may be inappropriate for certain situations. This also includes assigning a value to “the priceless.”  While costs are easily determined (eg. cost of a treatment, a medicine, etc.),  the benefits, which include human life, are often more difficult to assign value to.

A negative result should also not be a deterrent for new programs. Many of today’s most popular treatments, such as ARTs, were not deemed cost-effective. It was only through the tireless work of many individuals that the costs of such treatments were lowered. Dr. Paul Farmer initiated an MDR treatment program in the 90s despite the staggering costs (3). Despite skepticism of the global community on providing MDR-TB treatment, Farmer proved many wrong by carrying out a treatment program in Peru successfully. As Dr. Farmer points out, “failure of imagination is a greater threat that condemns many men and women in the developing world to unnecessary disability and untimely death.” (5) Existing policies often convince physicians, as well as governments and the WHO, that it is too expensive and too logistically difficult to provide modern drugs to many sick in poor countries (5). Instead of a defeatist attitude, it is our duty to advocate for lower costs for these treatments in developing countries. Farmer notes that calculating “cost effectiveness” of care becomes a convenient excuse for failing to provide treatment for those in need (5).

Despite the results that cost-effectiveness reveals, any type of intervention will still be better than nothing. I liked this quote from a lecture given by Dr. Farmer (taken from a newspaper report): 

“[The Clinton Foundation] … found that community health workers [accounted for] 4 percent of the total cost, 9 percent of the labor cost. So if you want to use the term cost-effectiveness, which I do, it’s about as cost-effective as you can get. But remember, this is not about HIV or TB or malaria. It’s about all of it. So to rebuild these hospitals … labor is the biggest expenditure. And if you go into an area where unemployment is 60 percent, are you embarrassed to spend 45 percent of your budget on labor? I’m not. I think it’s good. And if you go into a place where there’s a lot of hunger—happily, medical science, through revolutionary breakthroughs, has given us a treatment for hunger called food. And spending 19 or 20 percent of your budget on food is not an embarrassment, either.” (4)

The argument over cost-effectiveness is not only present in global health interventions, but also health insurance and coverage of procedures. Many countries – including Canada, Britain, and the Netherlands, ration health care based on cost-effectiveness and a place a $50,000 threshold-value to any new treatments (6). In other words, if a new procedure goes beyond the threshold value, insurance will not cover it. While many interpret this threshold value as assigning a value to human life, others argue that we already practice it in many other situations such as payouts for soldiers killed in action (6). The study of value and life is a tricky one. It forces us to assign values to things we would otherwise deem priceless. No amount or value could probably ever be sufficient, and so cost-effective analyses will never be perfect. Finding a balance in making decisions tightly or loosely based on cost-effective analysis is part of the challenge. While I understand why many believe there is a benefit and practicality in using it, part of me would like to ignore it all together. As public health workers, we can often get caught up in the numbers, but we should not forget our purpose – to provide services to those most in need.

References
(5) http://www.newrepublic.com/article/books-and-arts/magazine/79737/despair-paul-farmer-medicine
(7) Chao TE, et al. Cost-effectiveness of surgery and its policy implications for global health: a systematic review and analysis. The Lancet Global Health (2014); 2: e334-45.


Thursday, July 3, 2014

Tackling the "us versus them" mentality and the stigma of disease



With more than 450 deaths so far, the Ebola outbreak in West Africa has recently been described as “out of control”. In addition to controlling the spread of disease, governments have an uphill battle against the “second disease” of stigmatisation many survivors face.

Disease stigma is nothing new. Even stories in the bible recount the widespread stigma against leprosy. Stigmatization may have once had an evolutionary purpose for early humans, but today it creates more harm than good by hindering positive health behavior and perpetuating illness and reinforcing racist or unjust ideologies. Throughout history, almost every major disease outbreak has been linked to a “low” or “immoral” class of people who are threat to society. Black women were often targeted as carriers of disease, especially by publicizing figures such as “Typhoid Mary.” The spread of polio was also blamed on the poor urban immigrants in America. Although we know that disease does not discriminate, it is easy to blame marginalized groups or immigrants based on underlying racist and unjust stereotypes. This is demonstrated through the HIV/AIDS epidemic and the 2003 SARS epidemic.

While fear and stigma breeds from unfamiliarity, it also partly stems from our management techniques which tend to produce negative connotations. Ebola calls for health workers to be covered head-to-toe in biohazard suits, and infected people are kept quarantined for weeks without any contact allowed to family or friends. Quarantine, in particular, tends to produce an “us” versus “them” mentality. Often times, many of those quarantined do not have complete understanding of the rationale for these measures. The fact that there is no specific treatment or vaccine makes the disease even more unnerving. The importance of a strong, central public health system is crucial in these moments to provide clear, transparent information in a timely manner to manage perception of public health risks. With many conflicting reports and information, distrust breeds within healthcare providers and patients. 

With this panic and fear, reintegration is difficult and many develop psychological and social issues. After the SARS outbreak in 2003, 28.9% and 31.2% of 129 quarantined individuals surveyed from Toronto suffered from posttraumatic stress disorder and depression, respectively. This onset of mental illness and social isolation after quarantine can trigger a cycle of poverty when patients lack support systems and lose their jobs.

Because of the challenges survivors face upon reintegration into society, the stigma has probably fueled its spread as patients tried to conceal their symptoms to avoid being quarantined and labeled. Citizens often believe in superstitions blaming the illness on a curse. Instead, they go into hiding, discharge themselves early from health facilities and prevent some aid organizations from even entering their communities.

Many methods have been practiced to address these problems. WHO replaces some belongings that have been burned and buried (mattress, clothes, pots, pans, etc) and provides a small stipend to replace the rest. Psychologists provide counseling, and health workers travel back home with the patient to ease neighbors’ fears. Despite these measures, it is not enough. In Liberia, one survivor, Aissata Bangoura, has been cut off from her family since her husband had died months earlier. The quality of her life has been greatly diminished due to her prior connection to this disease. 

In an effort to convince the people of Ebola’s deadly effects, Liberia’s health ministry has began posting images of Ebola-ravaged corpses in newspapers and television. While this has been effective at educating citizens that this was not an illness that can be cured with their traditional cultural rituals, it has also bred fear. Public health messages about a disease influence a person’s perception. People may be more likely to spread rumors for a disease with visible symptoms rather than no visible symptoms. A visible symptom may suggest that infected people are different and instigate this gossip.


Along with outbreak management, we should ask ourselves the long-term consequences of how we are presenting the disease. How should we modify this "horror-story" connotation to quarantine? Is there a better way to present data or statements to the public that do not illicit fear? Is “out of control” really the most effective to describe the situation? Is our goal to create panic or an organized and calculated response? Can we provide better support for cured patients? Should we consider all aspects (economic, social, psychological, education) when creating a reintegration program?

References